【中国论坛热词解码】(第33期)

2021-02-10
导语
上月,美国“前政府某高官”模仿美国驻苏联大使馆临时代办乔治·凯南1946年的“长电报”提出的“遏制苏联”战略思想,发表了一篇“更长电报”。文章提出,华盛顿迫切需要一项全面和跨党派的国家战略,来应对中国的战略挑战。然而,相比“长电报”,“更长电报”的前瞻性与可行性却备受各方争议。


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图片来源:环球时报英文网站

 



1、be abuzz over 热议


Washington and many capitals around the world are abuzz over an anonymously authored new report on China that was issued under the auspices of the Atlantic Council. 

美国及许多其他国家都正在对大西洋理事会主持发布的一份匿名撰写的有关中国的新报告议论纷纷。

(英文摘自2021.2.5 The Hill网站)

2、came to fruition 实现

This generated the initial foreign perceptions of greater Chinese assertiveness, and the acceleration of many Chinese foreign policy initiatives that came to fruition or were expanded after Xi took charge.

其他国家开始认为中国在外交上渐趋自信,中国也加快了在外交政策及举措上的步伐,而这一系列举措在2013年后得以实现或扩大。

(英文摘自2021.2.1 National Interest网站)

Every U.S. president adjusts the military in response to changing geopolitics. Following the 9/11 attacks, George W. Bush placed a greater focus on mobile, asymmetric warfare against terrorist cells — a shift from an army-led approach crafted during the Cold War. Barack Obama advocated rebalancing forces toward the Asia-Pacific, with the intent of reassigning units to Australia and the surrounding region from the Middle East and Europe. But the administration was unable to conclude its fight against terror groups like the Islamic State, so that vision failed to come to fruition. Trump focused on spreading the cost of regional defense, so any security strategy tended to take a back seat. 

每一任美国总统都会根据地缘政治的变化调整军事方面的安排。“9·11”事件后,布什转变了延续自冷战时期的军队主导的方式,变得更加注重针对恐怖组织的机动性、不对称战争。奥巴马则主张“亚太再平衡”,将部队从中东和欧洲调往澳大利亚及其周边地区。但奥巴马政府始终无法结束对“伊斯兰国”等恐怖组织的打击,所以这一设想最终未能实现。特朗普专注于分散地区防务成本,所以任何安全战略都趋向于退居其次。

(英文摘自2021.2.6 Asian Polyglot View网站)

3、full-throttled 全速前进的

In many ways, The Longer Telegram is a better informed and better written update of the untethered assertions of the China hawks in the Donald Trump administration, including former secretary of state Mike Pompeo. As it basically pushes for an American approach to effect regime change in China, the document, if adopted, would surely lead the two countries down the road of full-throttled confrontation.

从很多方面来说,“更长电报”正是“新瓶装旧酒”,看似文笔流畅、提供了更多信息,实际内容却仍是以前国务卿迈克·蓬佩奥为代表的特朗普政府中“中国鹰派人士”的各类论断。由于此文意在推动美国以一种美国的方式来实现中国的政权更迭,一旦被采纳,必将把两国引向全面对抗的“不归路”。

(英文摘自2021.2.6 SCMP网站)

4、stronger hand to play 发挥更强有力的作用

The author asserts that Washington must retain “confidence that the United States can and will prevail, with U.S. underlying strengths and values still providing the stronger hand to play in what remains an open, competitive, international environment.” Confidence in U.S. strengths and values will be crucial. But for the first time in fifty years, Americans need to examine the implications of the possibility that the United States may not always and everywhere have “the stronger hand to play”.

“更长电报”的作者断言,“在开放、竞争、国际化的环境中,美国的基本实力和价值观仍将发挥更强作用。因此,华盛顿必须保持‘美国能够并将取得胜利’的信心”。尽管对美国实力和价值观的信心至关重要,但这是美国人在近五十年来第一次需要这样认真地审视这种可能性所带来的影响,即美国不总是、也并非在任何地方都能“发挥更强作用”。

英文摘自2021.2.1 The National Interest网站

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图片来源:环球时报英文网站


5、hubris 傲慢自大


The US used to talk about the need for China to be a “responsible stakeholder”. But after the hubris of the “unipolar moment”, the Iraq war, the financial crisis and Donald Trump’s presidency, is the US a responsible stakeholder?

美国过去常说要让中国做一个“负责任的利益攸关方”。但在经历了“单极世界”的狂妄时刻、伊拉克战争、金融危机和特朗普总统任期后,试问美国做到“一个负责任的利益攸关方”了吗?

(英文摘自2021.2.3 Financial Times网站)

For one, China should refrain from hubris at a time of great global uncertainty. China has succeeded in containing the pandemic and largely restoring the country to normal as it is the only major economy to have registered positive growth last year. China’s success is in sharp contrast to the US’ stark failure to bring under control the virus which has killed more than 400,000 Americans.

其一,在全球局势充满不确定性的情况下,中国应避免骄傲自大,尽管中国成功地控制了疫情、并在很大程度上恢复了国家的正常秩序,是去年唯一实现正增长的主要经济体。中国的成功与美国在控制病毒方面的明显失败形成了鲜明的对比。时至今日,新冠肺炎疫情已造成40多万美国人死亡。

(英文摘自2021.1.30 SCMP网站)

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